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Support the federal NCII takedown law's criminal core, but add the counter-notice safeguard it currently lacks to protect legitimate speech.
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Jul 12, 2026
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Preserve the federal NCII law's criminal core while adding a short, expedited counter-notice and anti-abuse mechanism and an explicit newsworthy/public-interest exception to its platform-takedown requirement. Support passage of the pending federal civil right-of-action bill as a Section-230-neutral complement to criminal enforcement. Direct new resources toward strengthening state Attorney General authority and cross-state/international coordination specifically for the "nudify app" ecosystem, given its demonstrated track record. Support financial-sector verification-protocol requirements targeted at the point of failure in documented fraud cases. Continue supporting the shared content-provenance standard across this platform's AI issues while stating its limitations plainly rather than treating it as a solved problem.
A takedown mechanism fast enough to protect victims and a counter-notice safeguard robust enough to prevent abuse are both achievable in the same law — the narrow claim is that this is a design problem to solve, not a values trade-off requiring one goal to lose.
Primary — Privacy, Security, and Trust. Protecting individuals from non-consensual synthetic media and fraud is about as direct an application of "we safeguard privacy and individual rights in a digital age" as exists in this platform.
Secondary, and directly in tension — Access to Information and Connectivity. "We defend online freedom of expression and user rights" is precisely what's at risk in an un-safeguarded takedown mechanism. This issue doesn't treat free-expression concerns as an afterthought to victim protection; Proposal 1 exists specifically because both values are at stake simultaneously, and a law that fully serves one while ignoring the other isn't serving either well.
Conscience-led collaboration here requires victims, speakers, platforms, and courts to share a notice-and-counter-notice process in which protection and lawful dissent each have a usable path.
NCII protection is one of the most bipartisan issues in this entire platform. The TAKE IT DOWN Act passed the House 409-2 (both dissenting votes Republican) and the Senate unanimously, authored jointly by Sen. Cruz (R) and Sen. Klobuchar (D) with a House companion from Reps. Salazar (R) and Dean (D), and was signed into law by a Republican president after public advocacy from the First Lady. The DEFIANCE Act's civil-remedy companion passed the Senate by unanimous consent. There is essentially no partisan disagreement on the underlying goal. Where a fight does exist is the civil-liberties objection this issue's own Proposal 1 responds to. EFF, CDT, and press-freedom groups (not aligned with either major party specifically) argue the law's takedown mechanism is overbroad without a counter-notice safeguard, a critique that cuts across the traditional left-right axis rather than splitting along it. The Innovation Party's delta: this issue doesn't need to choose a side between the parties, since they already agree. Its contribution is engaging the civil-liberties critique neither party's legislation has addressed yet.
The strongest good-faith objection, already gestured at in this issue's strategy layer: a counter-notice mechanism, unless very carefully time-bound, risks reintroducing exactly the delay the underlying law was built to eliminate. And a bad-faith original poster could try to exploit the counter-notice process itself to slow removal of harmful content. A critic could argue any counter-notice safeguard inherently reopens this vulnerability to some degree. A hard, short deadline on the counter-notice window — days, not weeks, with automatic reinstatement of the takedown if the claimant doesn't respond in time — closes most of that gap without giving up protection: a bad-faith poster gains at most a brief, bounded delay, while a wrongly-targeted journalist or satirist gains a path to correction that doesn't currently exist under the law as written. That's a better-designed law, not an unsolvable dilemma between speed and fairness.
NCII victims bear the cost of any counter-notice-induced delay in removing harmful content about them. Legitimate content creators — journalists, satirists, documentarians — bear the cost of wrongful takedown if no counter-notice mechanism exists at all. Platforms bear the compliance and staffing cost of adjudicating counter-notice claims fairly and quickly, an operational burden this issue's proposal doesn't eliminate, only redistributes toward the party best resourced to handle it.
Turn frustration into useful pressure.
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